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But there is one other reference to this legend which has an important bearing upon the present passage of Pindar.

It o ccurs in Nonnus, Dionys. There is a lacuna between The emendations adopted in A. But what are the Phlegyae doing in this context?

Jebb suggests L c. But the striking similarity of language in the lines of Nonnus and the present passage of Pindar cf.

Bacchylides' reference to Ceos as Edfurtda rao-op il 8 might of itself be taken to imply a rather wider currency than Jebb admits.

Euxantius' refusal to leave Ceos for a share in the kingdom of Minos, as narrated here by Pindar, is an entirely novel feature. Jnaipta: the corresponding word in the antistrophe 1.

Uar6v : cf. If Pasiphatfs sons had a double But Minos had more children by another marriage. Dexithea ; cf. There is a similar ambiguity in the corresponding syllable of the strophe L 38 v2[m]- for the short quantity cf.

The construction being thus obscured? With regard to the latter part of Plutarch's citation the new evidence is somewhat ambiguous, but fortunately just sufficient is preserved to enable, with the help of the metre, a satisfactory restoration to be made.

At first sight, what remains of the two topmost lines of Col. But in the first place the break down the left side of the papyrus follows a practically straight line, and therefore something of lines 54 and 56, containing 10 and 12 syllables respectively, would be expected to remain; the papyrus, however, is blank until 1.

This disproportion is too great to be accounted for by collocations of vowels or variations in the size of the writing cf.

We therefore prefer to suppose that the remnants of The size of the writing is no doubt something of a difficulty; but analogous cases occur at V.

A certain species of oak is still the characteristic tree of Ceos, and the acorns are the chief commercial product of the island. The metre of the last verse may be restored by means of a few simple alterations.

There is a dot to the left of it to the right is a lacuna indicating an alternative reading ; for a similar variant on a variant cf.

In connexion with tamapuraop and the remark of the scholiast it may be noted that, as Bury reminds us, the Cretan pfaatipop at Delphi mentioned in Pyth.

The reading of the variant here attributed to Zenodotus is unfortunately doubtful. The ft may be a, and the diagonal stroke of the supposed v has disappeared, what actually remains suggesting rather pi.

It is noteworthy that iteap. We can find no other trace of this statement concerning the sons of Euxantius.

Kiwv for Klu cannot be read. The letter after p may be 1 ; cf. To Delos. A verse has dropped out here. Possibly the marginal insertion opposite 1.

Pandoras was a son of Erechtheus ; cf. O Apollo of Delos, to whom we cry 1 They made homes in the scattered isles where the sheep abound, and laid hands on far-famed Delos, for Apollo of the golden locks gave them the body of Asteria to inhabit.

O Apollo of Delos, to whom we cry I There may the children of Leto graciously receive me your servant, to the honeyed sounding strains of a glorious paean.

The MSS. Asteria, sister of Leto, was turned into the island of Delos, which is sometimes called simply Asteria, e. Ma fie: trochaic and sometimes also spondaic words followed by enclitics received two accents according to the grammarians, and instances of such accentuation are found in MSS.

Ktihner-Blass I. Other examples in this papyrus occur at VI. KlassiktrUxU V. On the marginal addition cf. The papyrus is so rubbed that no part of the addition in the margin, which is in a good-sized hand, is clear.

It is doubtful whether there were really letters at the two places marked by dots outside the brackets, the traces of ink at those points being very slight.

For I hear that there are wanting men to dance to the music of the Castalian fount by the brazen-gated stream, and am therefore come relieving thy townsmen's need, and furthering mine own honour.

I have obeyed my heart as a child his kind mother, and gone down to Apollo's grove, the home of garlands and festivity, where oft by the shady pivot of earth the maidens of Delphi beat the ground with nimble foot as they sing of the son of Leto.

Hartung was right in attributing the lines to a paean, but wrong in connecting them with Pindar Fr.

A marginal asterisk similar to that here occurs at the end of a poem in the Bacchylides papyrus vii. The syllable -wp occurs in the same position of a corresponding verse at 1.

Other similar correspondences in this paean are For nptxjidrav cf. The marginal p marks the th line; cf.

The brazen lions' heads mentioned by the scholiast do not appear to be otherwise known ; that he calls the stream the Cephisus, which was on the northern side of Parnassus, is also strange.

This construction is preferred by Bury. OL xiii. With srodl. But since ye have received this as your ordained right, O maidens sharing alike in all things with your father whom the dark clouds hide and Mnemosyne, hear me now : my tongue is fain to pay its best and sweetest honey-tribute when I have gone down to die broad lists of Loxias at the festival of the gods.

For sacrifice is made for All-Hellas the glorious, which the Delphic folk prayed to be saved from? It is noticeable that the scansion of [0 t6s in that line is similar.

Since the Muses are evidently addressed it seems obvious at first sight to write Mo[i]crcu ; but then the difficulty is to find a plausible restitution of the preceding dactyl and a construction for wAvra in 1.

Yet even on this hypothesis some alteration of the text appears necessary. With any of these letters, however, with the doubtful exception of r, there will be a short preceding lacuna to be filled e.

To the reading adopted there is the objection that part of the diagonal stroke of a r would be expected to be visible ; but the surface of the papyrus is damaged, and the diagonal stroke may have been drawn somewhat higher than usual.

The errors in the papyrus are commonly due to omission of letters ; and diaeresis is neglected e. The Muses were the daughters of Zeus and Mnemosyne ; cf.

A comparison with L shows that the mark of short quantity above pvp is erroneous. The reading of Zenodotus is unfortunately beyond recovery ; it ends with a sloping dash which might mark an abbreviation or belong to an hastily written p.

For the language of L 59 cf. I Swop ykvicvp. The analogy of this and other passages is in favour of the correction Aof la. In the following lines the institution of this festival is referred to the occasion of a famine, — a fact explained in the mutilated scholium but apparently not otherwise recorded.

The local cults of Apollo were frequently brought into connexion with deliverance from such visitations, e. For bavauv k.

For the shortened first syllable in Tpwia cf. Athene; cf. The occurrence of irais as a disyllable here is of interest in connexion with the corrupt passage in And straightway he put off the capture of Ilium, quelling by a bold deed of blood the doughty son of dark-tressed Thetis of the sea, the trusty defence of the Achaeans.

What was his strife with white-armed Hera, as he matched against her his invincible power, what with Polias!

In return for their great pains they would have razed the city of Dardanus, had not Apollo been on guard. But Zeus, the ruler of the gods, seated on the golden clouds and peaks of Olympus, dared not relax the decrees of fate : for high-coifed Helen's sake must the flaming fire's ray blot out wide Pergamon.

And when they had placed in the sore-lamented tomb the mighty corse of the son of Peleus, went messengers over the sea-waves and came again bringing from Scyros Neoptolemus, great in strength, who sacked the city of Ilion.

Yet saw he not thereafter his kind mother, nor roused he forth in the fields of his fathers the horses of the Myrmidons, a brass-accoutred host.

He reached the Molossian land hard by Tomarus ; but he escaped not the winds nor the far-darter with the broad quiver. For the god swore that he who killed aged Priam when he had sprung upon the altar in the court should come to no comfortable path in life nor reach old age ; and he slew him, as he strove with the attendants about their allotted rights, in his beloved enclosure by the broad pivot of the earth.

Oh hail, hail! Now for the paean in full measure 1 Oh hail, ye youths I ' Iliad A sqq. Homer, however, does not ascribe the wounding of Diomedes by Paris to any special intervention of Apollo.

The a of fopm is corrected. The genitive is more natural, but it would therefore be less liable to alteration. A dot has been placed above and below the d in Berths indicating that it should be omitted, elrun is the Pindaric form ; cf.

For fova. The Editors write apnptiaau in Pyth. A similar double accent is found in IX. The final o of oXvptroto was added at the beginning of 1.

The omission may have been simply an oversight ; but the papyrus is damaged at the end of L 92, and it is possible that the final o was at first placed there, and then deleted ; cf.

The latter explanation would suit the present passage. The accent on the o is not quite certain. A small difficulty occurs at the end of this line.

TLipyapot The s is practically certain. There was certainly one letter, probably either 1 or better v, immediately after -da, and some traces of ink beyond may belong to a second.

The marginal numeral is placed midway between this and the following line ; 1. At the end of 1. Apollo , Nem. The first three lines of the scholium perhaps contained some reference to Aegina or the Aeginetans.

It was the following passage concerning the death of Neoptolemus which gave offence in Aegina; cf. The three lower lines, which are in a different hand, are so nearly effaced that the obliteration seems intentional.

Fluctuation between the two forms is common in the MSS. Mommsen and Bergk practically eliminate piv in spite of a consensus of tradition in several passages, uiv stands alone in II.

The papyrus proves the antiquity of the mis-spelling pvpiav which Boeckh, comparing the following words of the schol.

The letter after v is not indeed certain, but the remains suit p better than any other letter and are not consistent with B. The latter gives an excellent sense and may well be right, but it appears on die whole more probable that UvBatv was an attempt to emend pvpiav than that pvpiav was a corruption of an original UvOiav.

The size of the lacuna shows that a syllable is missing at the beginning of 1. The metre requires If fij in 1. Therefore will we not lay thee to rest without a feast of paeans, but thou shalt receive our surging songs, and declare whence came to thee the god who guides thy helm and thy care for the right of the stranger.

He who brings all things to pass in their diversity, the far-seeing son of Cronos, placed in thy hand thy happiness : by the waters of Asopus he once carried off from the threshold the deep-breasted maiden Aegina ; then the golden tresses of the mists hid the shaded ridges of your land, that upon the immortal couch.

The abrupt transition to Aegina, which is addressed in the following passage, is in the Pindaric manner.

The point of connexion is to be found in the Aeacid ancestry of Neoptolemus, Aegina being the mythical home of the line, as narrated below in the legend of the birth of its founder.

This pointed juxtaposition of Neoptolemus and Aegina helps to explain the soreness of the Aeginetans at what appeared to them an unfortunate description of the manner of.

Neoptolemus' death; cf. But they certainly had no cause to complain of the tone of For Ampul cf. Nem, iii. Ai6s 'EWaviov : cf.

Aristophanes, Eg. On the latter cf. In dptrdv two short syllables appear in place of a long one 1. X6W, 1. Bury notes that this resolution supports the traditional reading in Nem.

The indicative is no doubt correct. Asopus was the father of Aegina ; cf. Atyivav is vaaov Oivoniav ivtyKwv Koiparo, A need.

The mark of short quantity rather suggests notrai as a variant on irvivai, but a final t was certainly not written.

There is a short blank space between the final v and the very slight vestige of the following letter, which was perhaps the initial of the name of the critic who supported the reading.

According to Ahrens, De dial. The Zenodotean reading recorded in the margin is obscure. The letters are for the most part clear. On the general characteristics of this group of fragments cf.

Whether any of them belong to Paean VII, or, if so, which, is doubtful. There are some resemblances in rhythm, but no correspondence can be established.

Zvpiatfi the first letter seems to be o- rather than o, or Oovpiais would be an easier epithet. The doubtful v may be r. Plato, Phaedr. The supposed r is represented only by the top of the crossbar, which might belong equally well to e.

For blind are the minds of men, whoever without the maids To me they have handed on this immortal work.

For cwmrXf. PytL v. The paragraphus marks the commencement of a new metrical section. If Fr. The appearance of this fragment suggests that it is closely connected with Fr.

A suitable collocation could be produced by making Fr. The beginning of 1. The first column of this fragment may follow immediately on Fr.

Such a position would suit the recto, which on the other hand indicates that Fr. SAtou: cf. Kaibel, Epigr. The occurrence of BAtou here may be a mere coincidence, but perhaps affords a slight additional argument for making Fr.

The scholium indicates a reference to Leto; cf. Either faup yov or fauplyy, as shown by the accent. Whether Fr. The fragment is unlikely, owing to its difference in colour, to belong to Fr.

Only a short horizontal stroke, which we take for an elongated base of a d, is visible before the lacuna ; it is too near to the line above to be a paragraphus.

The speaker is Asteria, as the next lines show. Call i mac h US, Del. Something corresponding to yafiov has to be supplied in 1. Koiov Ovydrqp : i.

Asteria, not Leto. For the variant m cf. In the incomplete state of the text it is difficult to decide between the claims of ip and of.

The a is probably by the original scribe ; whether the overwritten v in this line and v in the next are also due to him is much more doubtful.

De Mundo 5. It does not seem possible to read the first letter of the scholium as c, and if ]aoaye is right, the stem must be vavay-, which would pre- sumably be another v.

For the name 'Oprvyta cf. L ? Zeus desired the island as the place for the birth of Apollo. A more natural interpretation would be to connect rat with ytvop, but this is inadmissible since rat must refer to Asteria, who was not the mother of Apollo.

For 6 Kpartarot of Zeus cf. The present context, as suggested by Blass, would be appropriate to Fr. Moreover, the metre in Fr. The difference of hand creates no real difficulty, for if C and D belong to the same MS.

The appearance of the papyrus, however, is very dissimilar in the two fragments ; and the metrical argument is not strong, for the line of fracture on the left side of Fr.

The position of this fragment in relation to Frs. The recto is practically illegible. Neither the circumflex accent nor the rough breathing is clear, Urjj subj.

This fragment and Fr. The mark of length above the a is not quite certain. This fragment cannot be placed at VI. These two fragments are of the same light colour, but do not join.

The letter after rj must be either a or d. The insertion above the line is in lighter ink and somewhat blurred.

The insertion which is not certainly by the first hand is at the distance of an ordinary verse from 1.

The appearance of these two small fragments suggests a connexion with Col. The strip down Col. The recto of Fr.

Of these seventeen fragments of scholia the recto of five, namely Frs. This fragment is composed of two pieces, the combination of which, though probable, is not quite free from doubt.

The hand of the text changes at this point ; cf. This scholium not improbably refers, like A paraphrase of PINDAR, PAEANS with grievous moan and made utterance with such purport of speech : — O infinite far-seeing son of Cronos, now wilt thou accomplish the calamity fated of old what time Hecabe declared to the sons of Dardanus the vision which she once saw when she carried this man in her womb; she thought she bore a fiery hundred-handed Fury, who with cruel violence hurled down to the ground all Ilium.

And she said. For Skoaun aTwaxau cf. KoptfPq: cf. With what object the curved marks were placed beneath the syllables 01 and pat is not clear; cf.

Such signs are used e. In the former word next to the circumflex accent is a mark which we can only explain as a sign of short quantity indicating Kopixpai, though this is contradicted by the accent and Kopvfai would not construe.

The adjective iravantlpuv is found only in Orph. IO v6pav uyvyiov navairtlpopos tMfiov dpxrjt. Pinaar, Pyth. On this well-known story of Hecuba's dream cf.

Al Anth. Either 1 or 17 might be read in place of a, but not o. That Fr. On grounds analogous to 1 and 2 Fr. The vestiges at the end of this line may belong to a scholium.

KkiBtis occurs also in The reading is practically certain, and r cannot be substituted for d, though it should perhaps be restored in accordance with the usual Pindaric declension.

This line was probably, but not certainly, the first of a column. The frag- ment cannot be combined with Fr. There is a remarkable coincidence between the remains of this line and Fr.

But the hypothesis that the two verses are in strophic correspondence is open to the objection that Fr. On the grounds for and against bringing this fragment into connexion with Fr.

This fragment may contain the beginnings of lines, Fr, The rough breathing is not clear. These two fragments are very similar in appearance, and probably go close together.

The datpyrtfopia was specially associated with the Ismenion at Thebes. The first line may be part of a scholium.

The vestiges below the third line seem to represent lectional signs rather than letters. The supposed high stop may be the end of an acute accent.

The writing in this fragment is slightly more cursive than usual in the notes by the first hand. For the Thkbans. De Demosth.

On the class of composition to which the ode belongs cf. An additional short syllable is required before tBrjttas to produce a correspondence with 1.

Perhaps wv, which might easily have dropped out after jcXfimJirow, or rv y should be inserted. L 19 below and OL li. Biptp Zpyvp rcXor.

IcrxvP t arbpaat v BlaSS, now confirmed by Though the syllable may be long or short short in Other similar correspondences in this poem are Our identification of Fr.

For the alternative accents on nayrrop cf. The word is commonly made Oxytone; cf. The scholium below this line confirms tj p6rtor Mpos, but does not seem to have been illuminating.

It appears probable that a single column is the extent of the loss between This colurnn would have contained fifteen or sixteen lines, giving an epode of the very suitable number either of ten verses, which is also the length of the strophe, or of eleven, for which there is an exact parallel in IV.

I supplicate thee, Far-darter, consecrating to the Muses' arts this shrine. To his care didst thou, father with unshorn locks, commit the host of Cadmus and the city of Zeathus, on account of his wise fortitude.

For the sea-dwelling wielder of the trident honoured him above other mortals, and he hastened to? The use of iKpdpfyv is somewhat strange ; the idea appears to be the need of divine help if the poet is to attain perfection in his art.

According to the explanation of the scholiast, the 'couch of Melia' means the Theban Ismenion, or temple of Apollo Ismenius. Melia, the daughter of Oceanus, was the mother of the seer Tenerus by Apollo, and like her son was revered at Thebes, where there was a spring which bore her name, close to the Ismenion; cf.

For the Doric infinitive wvaytv cf. The latter half of this line presents difficulties. X and o are clear, and if r, which is nearly certain, is right, the intervening letter must be p.

It is doubtful whether the traces before Xo represent two letters or only one ; if there are two a ir would be best for the first, though ij, , , or perhaps x might also be read ; of the second there is only a small speck, which would suit any letter beginning with a more or less upright stroke.

The difficulty lies in reading anything but 1 for the final letter, t and the second upright of v are indistinguishable in form, but some part of the diagonal stroke of a v would be expected to be visible.

The papyrus, however, is damaged, and it is perhaps too much to say that a v is to be excluded, though a restoration requiring it cannot be regarded as convincing.

Bury suggests t[40]i, which might be accepted if no better solution is forthcoming. On the myth of Tenerus cf. Thebes and the Thebans. There is not too much space for the or of 'opo[or]puupa t which is the regular Pindaric form 01 viii.

Bekker, Anted, p. The subject of Fr. It is, however, likely enough that Fr. The metre shows that these two fragmentary columns do not belong to IX ; the strophe or epode contained at least fourteen verses Photius BibU Homer, H.

B sqq. The sentence is probably complete at Utjmov, and the word rwd seems to have occurred in the text.

Pausanias ix. We are led to this arrangement by the coincidence that the fragments, like Fr. But since the recto is in both cases nearly blank, it is not absolutely certain though probable that these fragments belong to D rather than to C.

The paragraphus below this line marks the conclusion of a strophic section. Ktipov is also a possibility, but not nlvov on account of the accent.

The interlinear wa8[ seems to be the same word as that which occurs in the reading attributed to Aristophanes in 1.

According to the Etym, Mag. The recto of these small fragments is blank or practically so, and there is consequently no safe criterion for determining whether they belong to C or D.

The texture and colour of the papyrus, however, suggests that Frs. The circumflex accent is doubtful. The supposed mark of length over a may be a mark of short quantity or a grave accent.

This line is in a different hand from that of the rest of the text, and seems to be over an erasure. The hand of Plates IV and V Cols, v-vi andxi-xii.

Since the discovery of the 'AOrjvaCwv IToAircla in Egypt has not produced any historical papyrus at all comparable in importance to these portions of a lost Greek historian, obviously of the first rank, dealing in minute detail with the events of the Greek world in the years and B.

The papyrus, which with the exception of the manuscript of Plato's Symposium is the largest literary text that has been found at Oxyrhynchus, originally con- sisted of about fragments of varying sizes.

These have been so far pieced together that only about fifty-five, none of which is large, remain unplaced, and it is improbable that further efforts at combination will yield results of much importance.

Like the manuscript of Pindar's Paeans the historical work, though written in uncials, is on the verso of an official document. This is a land-survey register giving a long list of cultivators, and the entries in most The village of Ibion Argaei, which was in the south-west of the Arsinoite nome, is mentioned as being in the vicinity of one of the plots of land, and the land-survey was no doubt drawn up at some village near Ibion, but whether the historical work was also written in that district or at Oxyrhynchus is uncertain.

Various years, ranging from the 4th to the 12th, of an unnamed emperor are mentioned, and the handwriting shows that he belonged to the second century.

Since the survey was probably written soon after the 12th year, the reign of Commodus, which in Egypt was reckoned from his father's accession and therefore begins with his 20th year, is out of the question ; the reign of Hadrian or Antoninus is as likely to be meant as that of Marcus Aurelius.

The land-survey has of course been of the utmost service in determining the place of detached fragments of the historian, and is in itself of no slight interest : the text of portions of it will be given in Part VI.

The writing in some places is con- cealed by strips of papyrus which were gummed on in order to strengthen the roll when the verso came to be used.

Of the historical work at least twenty-one columns are to be distinguished, written in two hands. Postponing for the moment the question of the right order of these columns, and assuming the correctness of the numbers assigned to them by us, the first hand is responsible for Cols, i-iv, vi.

The scribe employs a small neat uncial of the sloping oval type, representing a transitional stage between the earlier specimens of this style, e.

A peculiar characteristic of this scribe is his tendency especially at the ends of lines to combine the letters M and H or H and N so that the last vertical stroke of the first letter serves also as the first of the second, e.

The beginning of a new section is marked by a coronis or paragraphus, a small blank space being left where the transition occurs in the middle of a line ; but there are no stops, and only two accents xx.

Diaereses are sometimes placed over t and v. Some serious corruptions occur, e. The second hand, which is responsible for v.

N at the end of a line is often written as a horizontal stroke ; and a diaeresis occurs in v. Stops high points are freely employed, a slight space being also left to mark the pause, and sometimes the space occurs where the stop is omitted ; cf.

A paragraphus is found in vi. In the margin against v. Unlike the first scribe, the second hand writes 1 adscript.

A slip occurs in vi. With regard to the date of the MS. A late third-century date is out of the question.

The first hand is not very uniform either in the size or spacing of his letters ; at the end of a line they are some- times very small and cramped, and the beginnings of lines tend gradually to move further to the left as the column proceeds.

Hence, though the columns measure about x 9 cm. In Col. After Col. Few lines by the first hand exceed 45 or fall below 35 letters, the average being about In vi.

Cols, i-ii, vi, and xi-xxi, representing about two-thirds of a total of approximately lines, are well preserved, and in all but a few passages admit of a satisfactory restoration of the lacunae.

Of Col. These twenty-one columns are not continuous, but are divided into four We have called these sections A, B, C, and D. A consists of Cols, i-iv, including Frs.

Whether the small Fr. B consists of Cols, v-viii with Frs. The place of Frs. That Frs. C contains only the two quite fragmentary Cols, ix and x with Frs.

D, by far the largest section, has Cols, xi-xxi, which are continuous. The first problem that arises is the order of these four sections, which unfortunately is in some respects not clear, in spite of the fact that our author whom in order not to prejudice the question of his identity with any known historian we henceforth call F seems to have arranged his work on chronological principles almost as strictly as Thucydides and much more carefully than Xenophon.

That D comes after A and B is certain from internal evidence, for it contains xviii. That D comes last of the four sections is also indicated by the land-survey on the recto, the writing of which runs in the opposite direction to that of the verso, and which accordingly begins on the other side of Col.

For Col. Hence the presumption is that the land-survey on the recto of A, B, and C comes later than that of D, i. Our choice of the last alternative is quite arbitrary, and the question is of secondary importance.

The main problem with regard to the order of the sections concerns A and B — which of these two is to be placed first? The external evidence is conflicting.

On the one hand, before Col. Since Col. That the roll originally extended beyond the present starting-point of A is known from the land-survey on the recto of the margin of Col.

On the other hand A is written by the second of the two scribes who appear in B, so that if A follows B it is necessary to assume only one change of hands, whereas if A precedes B it must be supposed that the first scribe gave way to the second at some point in the gap between Cols, iv and v and then resumed at vi.

The hypothesis that B comes first has therefore the advantage of greater simplicity, and is supported by the analogy of the land- survey, in which we justifiably used the identity of the hand on the recto of A, B, and C with the second hand on the recto of D as an argument for placing the recto of A-C after D.

In fact, the priority of B to A has so much prima facie probability that at first and for a long time we adopted that sequence ; it was only when we came to examine in detail the historical problems connected with A that we decided to place it before B.

The relative order of these two sections makes a considerable difference to the interpretation of A, for since B is known from other sources to refer to the spring and early summer of , the Bipos in A iii.

A unfortu- nately mentions no event of which the precise date is fixed by independent evidence, for though the arrival of Conon's reinforcements from Phoenicia iii.

The two principal difficulties which To summarize the results there reached, the view that the Qipos in iii. Thirdly, the view that A concerns has the advantage of allowing more time for the change of policy on the part of the moderate democrats at Athens with regard to a war with Sparta ; cf.

We therefore prefer the arrangement adopted in the text, according to which A precedes B and relates to ; and seeing that A in any case begins a new division or book, we are disposed to regard it as the actual commencement of the whole roll.

A parallel for the changes of hands, whereby the portion written by a second scribe comes between two portions written by the first, is to be found in the MS.

There the third band, which begins in Col. We proceed to a short analysis of the contents of the papyrus, which for the convenience of future reference we have divided into chapters and sec- tions, though in the present edition we generally refer to columns and lines only.

A commences with an account of the sailing from Athens of a trireme commanded by a certain Demaenetus without official sanction to assist Con on, and the unsuccessful efforts of the Spartan harmost at Aegina to intercept it i.

This incident, to which a passing allusion occurs in Aeschines cf. The adjectives used by P in describing the contending parties at Athens and his severe judgement upon the extreme democrats, whom he not only charges with accepting Persian bribes but with desiring a war with Sparta for purely selfish reasons i.

The first of a long series of conflicts with Xenophon occurs in connexion with the date of the sending of Timocrates, whom Xenophon supported by Pausanias and Plutarch represents as dispatched by Tithraustes in the summer of , while P connects him with Pharnabazus therein agreeing with Polyaenus , and implies that the mission took place much earlier, i.

P and Xenophon also come into conflict on the question of the acceptance of Timocrates' bribes by the Athenians, and the part played by those bribes in bringing about the anti- Spartan confederacy, on both of which points P's version is again, in our opinion, superior i.

The mention of Timolaus in connexion with the opposition to Sparta at Corinth gives rise to a digression on some former exploits of his in the Decelean war.

These are not mentioned by Thucydides, and the fact that the second one, which probably occurred just after the latest events recorded by that historian, had already been noticed by P probably in its proper chronological position, is an important indication of the scope of our author's work ii.

In iii. Unfortunately the lacunae, which prevent any continuous restoration of Col. Unless, however, A is placed after B cf. The rest of Col. He thus presents a marked contrast to Xenophon, who after mentioning the stir caused at Sparta in the winter of by the news of the Persian naval preparations Bell.

That Xenophon was himself conscious of his deficiency is shown by his excuses in iv. This event is also referred to by Diodorus in words so similar that they must be derived directly or indirectly from P, though probably with an error as to the chronology, for Diodorus puts the arrival of the Phoenician ships after the revolt of Rhodes, whereas P seems to place the revolt after the arrival of the reinforce- ments, which is much more likely to be correct iii.

Whether the scanty remains of Col. B, where it becomes intelligible, begins with an account of Agesilaus 9 campaign in the spring and early summer of , which occupies v.

On the other hand P agrees closely with the somewhat less detailed account of Diodorus, especially with regard to Agesilaus' route v.

There are some discrepancies between P and Diodorus concerning firstly the number of the Persian forces v.

In fact Diodorus 1 narrative looks like an abridgement of P with some variations of the language, which rarely coincides verbally with that of P.

Whether Fs or Xenophon's account is superior in credibility is open to dispute, but P's version has considerable claims to acceptance in spite of the fact that Xenophon is apparently describing the campaign from first-hand knowledge v.

The rest of B, vii. This chapter is badly mutilated, and no continuous restoration is possible ; but enough remains to trace the close agreement between P and firstly Diodorus, who again seems to be giving an abridgement of P, and secondly Polyaenus, who is fuller than Diodorus but somewhat less detailed than P vii.

Persian affairs are still under discussion when B breaks off. A later reference to the negotiations between Tithraustes and Agesilaus xviii.

This gap also comprised the earlier portion of the account of the revolution at Rhodes, of which the conclusion is extant in Col.

Nothing can be made out of these two columns except that in Col. When D, by far the longest and best preserved section of the papyrus, begins, P has reverted to the naval war, xi.

Xenophon ignores this revolution, to which there is a brief allusion in a quotation from Androtion in Pausanias.

It has hitherto been connected closely with the revolt of Rhodes from Sparta, which is mentioned by Diodorus, but P now shows that the two events were by no means contemporaneous, the revolution taking place in the summer of , the revolt from Sparta in the preceding winter or earlier iii.

The mention of the Diagoreans throws an interesting light on the treatment of an illustrious member of that family, Dorieus, by the Spartans xi.

The cautious policy of Conon and the moderation displayed by the victorious democrats receive due recognition from P, who here shows no trace of an aristocratic bias.

In xi 34 the subject changes to the war between Boeotia and Phocis in the summer of , but this is not actually reached until xiv. A mention of the state of faction existing at Thebes xi.

The nature of the four boulai referred to by Thucydides is explained, and while Kohler is shown to be right in connecting them with the four boulai which the oligarchs at Athens wished to set up in , the surprising fact is now ascertained that these boulai belonged to the individual cities of the league, not to the federation as a whole, which had a single boule of members not invested with the supreme powers of the local boulai.

The vexed question of the number of the Boeotarchs at the time of the Peloponnesian war is fixed at eleven, corresponding to a division of the Boeotians into eleven units, and what is still more important, we now have for the first time a complete list of the states forming the league and their distribution among the several units, according to which they shared the rights and duties of membership of the confederation xi.

Of special interest are the details concerning the Boeotarchs appointed by Thebes xii. In xii 31 P reverts to parties at Thebes, about which he shows himself very well informed.

The description of the anti-Spartan faction is on the whole very impartial, and the analysis of their motives shows considerable historical acumen xiii.

A reference to the change in the Theban policy caused by the control of public affairs passing from the pro-Spartan to the anti-Spartan party leads to another interesting digression xiii.

P then, after describing the political schemes of the anti-Spartan party xiv. His account of the intrigues from which it arose xiv.

The unsuccessful attempt of the Spartans to settle the dispute peaceably xv. The details of the invasion of Phocis xv. Incidentally P's treatment of the whole dispute between the Phocians and the Locrians provides some important indications that he wrote his account before the conclusion, at any rate, of the Sacred War ; cf.

An otherwise unrelated visit of Conon to Sardis in order to obtain money xv. A passage which implies that the Persian empire was still standing shows that this history was composed before the conquest of Persia by Alexander xiv.

After narrating the results of Conon's mission and the departure of Tithraustes for the Persian court xvi. This event, which nearly led to the dispersion of Conon's fleet, has been passed over by all historians except Justin, whose reference to it, though brief, seems to be derived indirectly from P xvi.

The revolt was ultimately quelled by the efforts of Conon, whose itpoOvpLa receives special praise from our author xviii. In xvi. Diodorus omits this campaign altogether, and, as in the account of the war in the earlier half of the year v.

P, on the other hand, gives a plain, straightforward account of the military operations, showing considerable acquaintance with the geography of Asia Minor and the details of the campaign xviii.

When he reaches the Paphlagonian incident he devotes only a few lines to it, but manages nevertheless to conflict A description of an ambush xix.

Con- cerning Spithradates, a Persian noble who deserted to Agesilaus, somewhat less information is given than by Xenophon ; but with regard to Spithradates" son Megabates P speaks openly of Agesilaus' attachment to him, which is only hinted at in the Hellenica, though amply illustrated by the Agesilaus xx.

The papyrus concludes in the middle of a description of an abortive scheme for invading Cappadocia, concerning which country erroneous geographical ideas prevailed even down to Roman times xxi.

The unplaced fragments are too small to give any historical information. To summarize the chief characteristics of our author, we have in this papyrus a very elaborate and detailed work of a historian of obviously great importance, who shows himself equally well informed whether dealing with events in Greece, the campaigns of Agesilaus in Asia, or the naval war.

In the arrangement of his material he has adopted an annalistic method, evidently imitated from Thucydides, whereby events are narrated in chronological order and divided into years beginning in the ' summer ' whether spring or midsummer is not clear , and he has not grouped together according to subject events separated by any considerable distance of time.

Hence there are abrupt transitions to and from different parts of the world, e. Whether P adhered strictly to this chronological arrangement there is not sufficient evidence to show ; but so far as the extant portions of his work go, he seems to keep closely to it.

On the other hand he is extremely fond of digressions, whether excursions into earlier history, e.

These digressions, though adding greatly to the interest and variety of P's work, are seldom very relevant, and cause serious interruptions to the narrative.

How easily he was led on from one excursus to another is well illustrated, firstly by i. With regard to the scope of his work, it is clear that it included, besides the events of and , the history of the seven years between and the close of the Peloponnesian war, the year , corresponding approximately to the archonship of Euclides, being taken by P as marking a kind of epoch.

That his history, however, did not begin with a, but comprised that portion of the Peloponnesian war which Thucy- dides did not live to narrate, is rendered probable by the reference to a former description of an incident of B.

Since events prior to are several times mentioned, but in no case with a reference to a former description of them, there is a strong presumption that P's history began where Thucydides' left off, and was intended to be a continuation of it To what point beyond the narrative was carried there is no internal evidence to show, except that which indicates the period of the composition of the work itself.

The description of the constitution of Boeotia, which is contrasted with the conditions existing in the writer's own day, was certainly written after , when at the peace of Antalcidas the Boeotian league underwent considerable changes.

On the other hand the fact that the Persian empire is spoken of in terms implying that it was still standing cf.

It is therefore possible that the history reached a point some twenty or thirty years later than , but considering its elaborate scale this is not at all likely, and there is nothing to suggest that it went further than the battle of Cnidus in , with which Theopompus' Hellenica concluded.

That P's sympathies were aristocratic not democratic, and therefore on the whole with Sparta, is shown by his description of the parties at Athens, particularly his opinion of the motives influencing the extreme section of the democrats.

In his account also of the intrigues which led to the Boeotian war he seems to acquiesce in the Spartan claims to the hegemony of Greece at this period.

But so far from laying himself open to the charge of exaggerated partisanship, P compares favourably with Xenophon by his impartiality.

While admitting probably rightly the fact of the acceptance of Persian gold by the Athenians in common with the Thebans, Argives, and Corinthians, he expressly defends those states from the accusation of Medizing, by controverting the pro-Spartan view Of an anti-Theban bias, which is so marked in Xenophon, there is no trace ; and it is clear that P wished to do full justice to the chief enemy and destined conqueror of Sparta.

A still more remarkable example of his fairness towards Sparta's enemies is the prominence assigned by him to Conon, who figures no less conspicuously than Agesilaus, while there is a noticeable contrast between the dry and unenthusiastic catalogue of Agesilaus' achievements, which evoke hardly a word of praise, and the more lively narrative of the incidents of the naval war with its outspoken expression of admiration for Conon 's skill in overcoming difficulties xviii.

Nothing illus- trates P's merits as a historian and his superiority to Xenophon better than the correct perspective in which he draws the two chief actors on his stage, refusing to allow the brilliant and showy but ultimately fruitless triumphs of Agesilaus in the East to obscure the slow but in the end successful steps by which Conon destroyed the Spartan sea power and restored Athens to a position among the leading Greek states.

A characteristic of P, which separates him from most Greek historians, is his dislike of rhetoric and apparent avoidance of speeches, of which there is only one consisting of but nine words xi.

His seeming divergence from the common method of employing speeches to indicate motives and illustrate situations is compensated by a frequent analysis of causes, which shows much historical insight into the politics of the early fourth century, e.

That our author was sparing in comments, whether of approval or of the reverse, upon the actions of his characters is clear ; it is unfortunate that the only passage in which he seems to have entered on a general criticism of some one's character is hopelessly mutilated Col.

This, though correct and easy, is somewhat frigid, colourless, and verbose, rather like that of Polybius, and its monotonous flow is but seldom stirred to a little life, as in the descriptions of the democratic rising at Rhodes, the mutiny of Conon's troops, and the adornment of Attica.

So far from displaying any richness of vocabulary, he is decidedly careless about repeating words at very short intervals, and shows a marked fondness for certain expressions, e.

Some words and phrases recall Polybius, e. The hypothesis that he wrote his work later than is excluded by internal evidence cf.

Hiatus is as a rule avoided, even at the cost of producing an unnatural order of words, e. Eight instances, however cf.

The avoidance of hiatus proves little as regards the date of composition, for it is common to the Isocrateans, Polybius, and even Plutarch. Turning to P's relation to other historians, everything in the papyrus leads to the conclusion that he was quite independent of Xenophon, and it is not even certain that Xenophon's Hellenic a was published before P wrote his work, for the Hellenica is now generally supposed to have been issued between and , and the limits within which P composed his history are and ; cf.

If the Hellenica was published first, P shows a complete disregard for it, not only describing much that Xenophon had omitted, but frequently conflicting with him where the two writers cover the same ground.

P may even have intended his work to be a contrast to Xenophon's onesided and unsatisfac- tory account.

With Diodorus P exhibits a remarkably close connexion ; Diod. The question whether the use of P by Diodorus was direct or indirect we postpone until we reach the question of P's identity cf.

Another late writer with whom P exhibits some noteworthy cases of agreement, though to a less extent than with Diodorus, is Polyaenus, whose account of the removal of Tissaphernes Strat.

Pausanias, too, presents some points of connexion with P, but generally mingled with points of difference. Thus he agrees with P that Epicrates and Cephalus took Persian gold i.

Again with regard to the origin of the Boeotian war Pausanias agrees with P against Xenophon that the Locrians concerned were the Hesperian, not the Opuntian ; but the embassy of the Athenians mentioned by Pausanias is not at all likely to have occurred in Fs narrative, and Pausanias, like Xenophon, makes the Locrians the aggressors.

On the question whether Tissaphernes' infantry took part in the campaign round Sardis Pausanias agrees with P against Xenophon, but his allusion to it is very brief, and that he himself used P in composing iii.

The only ancient historian who mentions the mutiny of Conon's troops described in xvi. In the other late writers we have been unable to detect any trace of P's influence.

With Nepos P comes into conflict both concerning the nature of the campaign of and the date of the visit of Conon to the Persian court and his responsibility for the dismissal of Tissaphernes, and also in regard to the name of the Paphlagonian king, while Plutarch in his Agesilaus closely follows Xenophon's account of the campaign of , ignoring P altogether, and neither his Lysander nor his Artaxerxes betray any use of our author.

Such being in brief the evidence concerning the character of P's history, the way is now clear for the discussion of the most interesting problem of all — can he be identified with any of the known historians of the fourth century?

For the authorship of so important a historical work the first names that naturally suggest themselves are those of the two famous pupils of Isocrates, Ephorus of Cyme and Theopompus of Chios.

The close agreement between P and Diodorus at once suggests an identification with Ephorus, whose history is known to have been used by Diodorus in Book xiv ; cf.

Moreover, Hieronymus, one of Conon's lieu- tenants, who is stated by Harpocration to have been mentioned in Books xviii and xix of Ephorus cf.

Neither of these coincidences, however, is really very striking, for any historian of this period who unlike Xenophon described the naval war in detail would be bound to mention Hieronymus, and Harpocration expressly says that other unspecified historians did so, while the insertion of the v in 'AKpafyiov and its derivatives occurred in Theopompus also and was probably a common practice outside Boeotia.

Some characteristics of P would suit Ephorus very well, e. A relative level of audience overlap between this site and similar sites. A site with a higher score shows higher audience overlap than a site with lower score.

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The strophe consists of ten logaoedic verses ; of the epode there is no clear trace beyond the one line already Free porn sites no malware. The letters are for Public pickup milf most part clear. The In later times Nina hartley bangbros were dedicated to other gods than Apollo Harry potter sex video Xenophon, for instance, speaks of a paean to Poseidon Hell. That D comes after A Girls small tit B is certain from internal evidence, for it contains xviii. Regret Pia pinaar the loss of so much of Pindar's work is undoubtedly intensified by the discovery of this papyrus. Pyth, ii. It is unfortunately mutilated, two of Megan rain creampie bbc seven and

Perhaps the poem was written about the time of the formation of the confederacy of Delos, when hostilities directed against the Persians were still going on in the region of Abdera ; or a struggle with some Thracian neighbour may have been in progress.

The whole ode is characterized by a distinctly warlike note. Similar refrains are found in IV and V. In the following schemes a comma at the end of a verse indicates synaphia as shown by the division of a word between two cola, and a vertical line marks hiatus.

Syllabae ancipites at the ends of verses will be apparent without special note. The third paean is hopelessly mutilated. From the stichometry of the papyrus it may be inferred to have consisted of lines cf.

The occasion of the ode and the patrons for whom it was written are not determinable; the Graces are named at the commencement.

A peculiar interest attaches to the fourth paean, which is without doubt the ode spoken of at the commencement of the first Isthmian.

Pindar there apologizes for having postponed the completion of a paean to the Delian Apollo to be sung at Ceos in order that he might first celebrate a victory won by his compatriot Herodotus at the Isthmian Games.

On the other hand the conjecture of Dissen and Fennell that the poem was sung at the temple of Apollo at Carthaea is corroborated by the allusion in 1.

The central idea is the virtue of contentment with a simple life like that of the Ceans in their rocky island, which was nevertheless celebrated as the home of athletes and poets.

This lesson finds further illustration in the stories of Melampus An interest- ing coincidence occurs with a quotation found in a corrupt form in Plutarch The poem consisted of sixty-two verses divided into two systems, the strophe containing ten, and the epode, which as in II ends with a refrain, eleven lines.

Two consecutive columns out of five are well preserved, but the remaining three are too severely damaged for continuous restoration.

The metre is logaoedic. To Delos is also dedicated the next paean, the shortest and simplest in structure in the collection.

Like The first six of these have almost entirely disappeared, and no sense can be gleaned until the thirty-sixth line is reached, from which point to the end there is no lacuna.

Perhaps the ode was written for the Athenians. Like its predecessors this long ode has sustained con- siderable damage ; three columns have disappeared entirely, two more are hopelessly mutilated, and another is very imperfect.

Still even with these deduc- tions about half of the lines are complete or easily restored. The first eighteen, after which there is a gap, belong to an extremely graceful exordium, the commencement of which was already familiar in a citation by Aristides, though its classification was a matter of doubt ; Schroeder puts it in the Prosodia.

The body of the paean Pindar there repeats, in language very similar to that used in this paean, his version of the story of Neoptolemus' death cf.

The date of our paean is therefore prior to B. From Neoptolemus the poet turns with characteristic suddenness to the praises of Aegina and the myth of the bride of Zeus whose name the island bore ; and here the thread is lost.

The poem contains three systems, of which the strophe consists of twenty-one and the epode of nineteen verses with logaoedic rhythm.

Of the seventh paean the commencement is preserved in a mutilated condition, but after the eighteenth line the connexion is broken, and it is doubtful, as we have said, whether the fragments grouped under B belong to VII or to another poem or poems.

In Fr. The rest of A-B consists of small scattered fragments. At Fr. The first column of this fragment appears from the remains of the scholia to have contained a reference to the story of Erginus, who in revenge for the murder of his father exacted a tribute from Thebes and was eventually slain by Heracles.

Before the beginning of the next column, however, a widely different subject has been reached. D is more valuable, for in one small piece there is a coincidence with the well known Pindaric fragment on the occasion of an eclipse of the sun — 'AktU icktov k.

In the later section the poet passes to the subject of the Theban seer Tenerus, son of Apollo and the nymph Melia ; the poem was evidently written for Thebes.

The strophe consists of ten logaoedic verses ; of the epode there is no clear trace beyond the one line already known.

It remains to be considered whether the poems represented in C-D are to be ranked, as those in A with which B is naturally connected undoubtedly are, as paeans.

The contents of the fragments must therefore be the main guide ; and here it must be admitted that in certain respects C-D appear to be peculiar.

There is no sign in these sections of Irj or vatdv ; and though the importance of this argument a silentio might easily be exaggerated, the fragments are sufficiently extensive to make the absence of those characteristic words remarkable.

Secondly, it is curious to what an extent C-D arc concerned with seers and soothsaying ; see Fr. There is a refer- ence to an oracle in II. If however these poems are not paeans, what are they?

Hence Boeckh infers that the fragment must either come from a dithyramb or a hyporcheme, and that, since there is nothing Dionysiac in it, the latter must be the right category — a conclusion accepted by Schroeder.

In favour of this classification may now be set the consideration that the paeans and hyporchemes were closely connected ; cf.

Menander Rhet. Since the fragment cannot be included in both it need not necessarily belong to either; if Dionysius meant to imply that it came from a hyporcheme why did he go out of his way to mention dithyrambs?

Boeckh further considers that the metre is well adapted to dancing, and therefore favours a hyporcheme ; but this argument is counterbalanced by the apparent unsuitability of the predominant themes of C-D to an orchestic accompani- ment.

There is moreover another class of Pindar's works to which the paeans stood in close relation, and whose claims should be considered, namely the Trpoa6bia, — witness the passage already cited p.

On the whole, though it remains questionable whether a distinction should not be drawn between the contents of A-B and C-D, the evidence hardly seems A.

Regret for the loss of so much of Pindar's work is undoubtedly intensified by the discovery of this papyrus. In spite of their mutilated condition the new poems display merit of a very high order, though they may not rank among the best efforts of the poet's genius.

The long ode to Delphi VI , in particular, is remarkably fine. Its extremely graceful exordium approaches the easier manner of the Oxyrhynchus Partheneion ; but in general the style is more akin to that of the Epinicia, though, as V shows, the metrical structure of the Paeans was sometimes not less simple than that of the Partheneia.

Mythical themes are frequent, as they no doubt were in all Pindar's poetry, and they would of course be prominent in compositions of this class ; but the other points in Eustathius' criticism quoted above p.

In the reconstruction and elucidation of this papyrus we owe much to Prof. Blass, whose knowledge and ingenuity were perhaps never more con- spicuous than in dealing with fragments of lyric poetry.

The commentary unfortunately could not have the benefit of his revision, but the proof-sheets have been submitted to Prof. Bury, to whom we are indebted for a number of valuable criticisms and suggestions.

Opposite II. Plate II. Xiav s pot, [7rS]? Plate I. Sipas oIkuv arp. Line 30 had a cross in the left margin.

Opposite Opposite 1. Scholia on Col. T4, Col. Beginnings of lines. Fragments having blank margin above. Xu[ ]ra.

Opposite lines Opposite 1L Between U. Kovoi ] A 4i[. Ifuv Sk ni[p Kdvoi[s. For the Thsbans. Oh joy! Now the consummating year and the Hours, children of Themis, have come to the horse- The letter before the lacuna may also be o.

For irpiir. Bury would prefer. For ipiwroi cf. For the Abderitks. This statement of the parentage of Abderus differs from the common version, according to which he was a son of Hermes Steph.

Bibl ii. Abderus is said to have been beloved by Heracles, who founded in his honour the city of Abdera after he had been killed by the horses of the Thracian king Diomedes.

That city was supposed to have been named after the nymph Thronia Schol. Otfpoitos was no doubt followed by other words, though there is a short blank space after it; varpfou was written by a different hand.

For the colonization of Abdera by the Teians in the middle of the sixth century B. Simonides Fr. Pindar Fr.

The majority of the MSS. The papyrus consistently makes this verse end with two short syllables in synaphia with the verse following ; the division adopted in the text at the fourth syllable of 1.

An apparently mistaken division occurs also in the fourth line of the epode ; cf. I dwell in this vine-bearing fruitful land of Thrace ; may mighty time in future days ne'er weary of a stable course for me.

Young is my city, yet I have seen my mother's mother stricken with foemen's fire. But if a man in succour of his friends The marginal 4 marks the th line ; cf.

OL viii. Athens, which took a prominent part in the colonization of Teos Strabo ziv. The meaningless crweor of the papyrus requires some such emendation as that adopted in the text.

The mark of length enclosed between two dots over the second syllable of fywaw was intended to replace or to be an alternative to the quantity mark first written.

Either a long or short syllable would be admissible at this point ; cf. In the marginal note opposite this line and also in that on l.

The former meaning is very appropriate in the present context The scholium [Sujiwrai. In the second scholium we suppose that koi, which is in a different hand from that of B4v v.

It is true that there is only a very slight remnant of the supposed mark of short quantity above axon, but there is certainly a trace of ink which it is not easy to interpret otherwise.

The remainder of the note cites in comparison another passage of Pindar Fr. The grammarian Theon, who flourished about the time of Augustus, wrote commentaries on poets, and it has been argued from an allusion in Schol.

Susemihl, Gesch. This view is now corroborated by the papyrus. The supposed at may, however, be p, though that is a less suitable reading.

This ingenious restoration is attractive, but it is not very close to what the scholiast gives as t6 v6r pa.

There is no necessity to assume that the 1 was wrongly marked with a diaeresis in the text. For the metrical arrangement of the lines here cf.

The scholium here is difficult and apparently corrupt cf. None of these readings, however, produces a straightforward sentence, though the general sense is evident, that internal sedition gives external enemies their opportunity, oraata'lorras koi iroXiTcuoiras might be interpreted in the sense of the revolutionaries and the Government, but it is not improbable that some word like duKpopw Blass has dropped out after iroXiTcfifjorras.

The first a in crraaiatorras wad altered from an 1. Such may heaven bestow ; the hostile envy of those who are long since dead has now passed away ; and it is right that a man should take to his forbears a lot rich in glory.

They gained by war a bountiful land and stored up wealth beyond the borders of Strymon, Yet they endured, and the gods at last joined in accomplishing their desire.

He who has wrought a good deed is made illustrious with praise ; and to them came surpassing glory against the foe before Melamphyllum. O Paean, to whom we cry, we cry I may Paean never leave us.

The schol. The reading of the third line of the note is far from secure. The second o of vpoBarovrav in 1. The meaning is that the descendant of ancestors who had shown such a good example should himself carry to them the tribute of a nobly spent life.

The interlinear insertion apparently indicates the not very important fact that a critic whose name began with Ar wrote tyKari6rjKap.

Which of the commentators on Pindar is meant is however not clear ; the name is nowhere written out in full, and several other abbreviations occur, which may or may not refer to the same person.

In the present passage there is ap with an angular mark above p t in Fr. If they all represent a single name, then that of Aristophanes of Byzantium is the most probable.

But since Aristarchus, Aristodemus, and Aristonicus were also Pindaric critics who are quoted in the extant scholia, and four different compendia occur in the papyrus, it is not impossible that there may be references to all four scholars.

On the whole we are inclined in view of the greater importance of Aristarchus and Aristophanes to suppose that ap and apicr stand for the former, apv and av' for the latter.

Some support for the expansion of apv as Aristophanes is to be found in the Paris Alcman papyrus, where in ii. For rpoQov cf. Pyth, ii.

The scholium on SKKa k. The final p of ivayopuuinv has been deleted by the first hand? According to Pliny, H. And with her. The author or occasion of the prognostication was probably named in the lost marginal note opposite I.

The second o of pokoyra was corrected from a and the final a has also been altered. If our reacting is correct, the form in the present passage had the sanction of Aristophanes?

The supposed a is however doubtful, the remains being an oblique stroke which might be taken for a grave accent. But a grave accent here would be mistaken, and the papyrus is distinctly rubbed, while the analogy of VI.

Bury suggests that the word beginning with o in the scholium here and at 1. The scholiast gives an erroneous interpretation.

And for me, O Abderus, accomplishing gracious glory of noble deeds, may you prosper the horse-loving host with a final war.

The recto being blank gives no assistance. The letter after n is represented by the merest speck. Though at first sight a not very appropriate epithet to apply to the song of maidens, a good parallel to xoXfitf?

E Srcvropc. BacchyL viii. The right restoration of this passage is not obvious. If the emendation wpofit[0Moi were adopted in 1. But the word at the end of 1.

Perhaps [ovpjt? This may be right, but the mutilation of Our restoration assumes that the text is sound Fr. The fifth line shows that this fragment belongs to the foregoing paean, and it may come either from Col.

This line is the th from II. Presumably it was inserted at the top of following lost column. The extent of the gap after 1.

Of the intervening lines, are accounted for in the papyrus ; there are therefore assuming that the p is correctly placed with relation to the 1 at II.

Since the strophe of III contains at least 18 lines, it is improbable that the lines which separate II and IV were divided among two poems, and it may be safely concluded that the first 10 lines of Col.

The letter between the supposed X and u seems to have been altered, but is probably intended for o ; there is not room for [kt]iXou.

For the Csans to Delos. The future x? The adscript raro indicates a variant iMnraro. It is in a different hand from the rest of the note ; cf.

The accent on ayaxXca is somewhat doubtful. The sense of the scholium is plain, though its right restoration is a matter of uncertainty.

The slight vestiges before ia suit p better than a, and pta is therefore pre- ferable to KopOjaia. Strabo vi. It is noticeable that the letters upotra occur in the same position of the correspond- ing verse of the second strophe, 1.

Zjtdvcw is an allusion to the fishing industry of the Ceans ; cf. I have not horses nor share in the pasturage of kine ; but neither would Melampus leave his fatherland to lord it in Argos, nor lay aside his gift of divination.

Hail, hail, O Paean 1 The city and comrades of a man's home and his kinsmen are dear, and bring contentment.

In happiness remote from foolish men I praise the words of lord Euxantius, who when his fellows were eager refused to rule or to take the seventh share of a hundred cities along with the sons of Pasiphae"; and he spake to them his prophecy : " I fear war with Zeus, I fear the crashing Shaker of Earth.

With thunderbolt and trident sent they once the land and its whole host to the depths of Tartarus, but left my mother and all her well-fenced house.

Then shall I, in pursuit of wealth and thrusting aside into utter neglect the decree of the blessed ones for our country, have elsewhere a great possession?

How would this be quite secure for me? Dwell not, my heart, on the cypress-grove, dwell not on the pastures of Ida 1 To me little is given, a mere shrub of oak, but I have no lot in trouble or strife.

The scribe at this point changed or mended his pen ; the writing in the first three lines of the column is markedly larger and coarser than those which follow.

Only a tip of the letter before km remains, but 17 is not enough to fill the space, and was probably written by mistake, although the smooth breathing shows that there was no confusion with jj.

Nairn, who suggested Aio[iw]ov, comparing Bacchyl. The scholiast's explanation 'given to life ' is not happy. This is not the ordinary form of the myth concerning Melampus as given e.

It is, however, noticeable that the later kings of Argos traced descent from Bias through Adrastus, not from Melampus. Besides Pyfk.

Or, as Bury observes, Btptros may be taken outside the negative and mean ' having made his own, adopted ' ; cf. Aim, iii. The surface of the papyrus is damaged, and if k is right, it must be supposed that the lower diagonal stroke has entirely disappeared, giving the letter more the appearance of v.

The a also is not very satisfactory, for rather more than the speck which actually survives would be expected to be visible.

Ev cu[tIov: some fresh light is thrown in the following passage upon the legend of Euxantius, which was treated at length in the unfortunately mutilated first ode of Bacchylides.

An outline of the story is given in some scholia on the Ibis of Ovid, where it is said that Macello Macedo, Macelo and the other daughters of Damon had showed hospitality to Jupiter, and were therefore spared by him when he destroyed the Telchines, of whom Damon was the chief.

Subsequently Minos arrived, and became the father of Euxantius by Dexithea Dexione, Dexithone , one of Macello's sisters. The poem of Bacchylides written for a Cean victor begins to give a connected sense at the point when Minos arrives in Ceos and weds Dexithea ; his treatment of the earlier part of the story can be only vaguely conjectured from a few scattered fragments.

But there is one other reference to this legend which has an important bearing upon the present passage of Pindar. It o ccurs in Nonnus, Dionys.

There is a lacuna between The emendations adopted in A. But what are the Phlegyae doing in this context? Jebb suggests L c.

But the striking similarity of language in the lines of Nonnus and the present passage of Pindar cf.

Bacchylides' reference to Ceos as Edfurtda rao-op il 8 might of itself be taken to imply a rather wider currency than Jebb admits.

Euxantius' refusal to leave Ceos for a share in the kingdom of Minos, as narrated here by Pindar, is an entirely novel feature. Jnaipta: the corresponding word in the antistrophe 1.

Uar6v : cf. If Pasiphatfs sons had a double But Minos had more children by another marriage. Dexithea ; cf. There is a similar ambiguity in the corresponding syllable of the strophe L 38 v2[m]- for the short quantity cf.

The construction being thus obscured? With regard to the latter part of Plutarch's citation the new evidence is somewhat ambiguous, but fortunately just sufficient is preserved to enable, with the help of the metre, a satisfactory restoration to be made.

At first sight, what remains of the two topmost lines of Col. But in the first place the break down the left side of the papyrus follows a practically straight line, and therefore something of lines 54 and 56, containing 10 and 12 syllables respectively, would be expected to remain; the papyrus, however, is blank until 1.

This disproportion is too great to be accounted for by collocations of vowels or variations in the size of the writing cf.

We therefore prefer to suppose that the remnants of The size of the writing is no doubt something of a difficulty; but analogous cases occur at V.

A certain species of oak is still the characteristic tree of Ceos, and the acorns are the chief commercial product of the island. The metre of the last verse may be restored by means of a few simple alterations.

There is a dot to the left of it to the right is a lacuna indicating an alternative reading ; for a similar variant on a variant cf. In connexion with tamapuraop and the remark of the scholiast it may be noted that, as Bury reminds us, the Cretan pfaatipop at Delphi mentioned in Pyth.

The reading of the variant here attributed to Zenodotus is unfortunately doubtful. The ft may be a, and the diagonal stroke of the supposed v has disappeared, what actually remains suggesting rather pi.

It is noteworthy that iteap. We can find no other trace of this statement concerning the sons of Euxantius. Kiwv for Klu cannot be read. The letter after p may be 1 ; cf.

To Delos. A verse has dropped out here. Possibly the marginal insertion opposite 1. Pandoras was a son of Erechtheus ; cf. O Apollo of Delos, to whom we cry 1 They made homes in the scattered isles where the sheep abound, and laid hands on far-famed Delos, for Apollo of the golden locks gave them the body of Asteria to inhabit.

O Apollo of Delos, to whom we cry I There may the children of Leto graciously receive me your servant, to the honeyed sounding strains of a glorious paean.

The MSS. Asteria, sister of Leto, was turned into the island of Delos, which is sometimes called simply Asteria, e. Ma fie: trochaic and sometimes also spondaic words followed by enclitics received two accents according to the grammarians, and instances of such accentuation are found in MSS.

Ktihner-Blass I. Other examples in this papyrus occur at VI. KlassiktrUxU V. On the marginal addition cf. The papyrus is so rubbed that no part of the addition in the margin, which is in a good-sized hand, is clear.

It is doubtful whether there were really letters at the two places marked by dots outside the brackets, the traces of ink at those points being very slight.

For I hear that there are wanting men to dance to the music of the Castalian fount by the brazen-gated stream, and am therefore come relieving thy townsmen's need, and furthering mine own honour.

I have obeyed my heart as a child his kind mother, and gone down to Apollo's grove, the home of garlands and festivity, where oft by the shady pivot of earth the maidens of Delphi beat the ground with nimble foot as they sing of the son of Leto.

Hartung was right in attributing the lines to a paean, but wrong in connecting them with Pindar Fr. A marginal asterisk similar to that here occurs at the end of a poem in the Bacchylides papyrus vii.

The syllable -wp occurs in the same position of a corresponding verse at 1. Other similar correspondences in this paean are For nptxjidrav cf.

The marginal p marks the th line; cf. The brazen lions' heads mentioned by the scholiast do not appear to be otherwise known ; that he calls the stream the Cephisus, which was on the northern side of Parnassus, is also strange.

This construction is preferred by Bury. OL xiii. With srodl. But since ye have received this as your ordained right, O maidens sharing alike in all things with your father whom the dark clouds hide and Mnemosyne, hear me now : my tongue is fain to pay its best and sweetest honey-tribute when I have gone down to die broad lists of Loxias at the festival of the gods.

For sacrifice is made for All-Hellas the glorious, which the Delphic folk prayed to be saved from?

It is noticeable that the scansion of [0 t6s in that line is similar. Since the Muses are evidently addressed it seems obvious at first sight to write Mo[i]crcu ; but then the difficulty is to find a plausible restitution of the preceding dactyl and a construction for wAvra in 1.

Yet even on this hypothesis some alteration of the text appears necessary. With any of these letters, however, with the doubtful exception of r, there will be a short preceding lacuna to be filled e.

To the reading adopted there is the objection that part of the diagonal stroke of a r would be expected to be visible ; but the surface of the papyrus is damaged, and the diagonal stroke may have been drawn somewhat higher than usual.

The errors in the papyrus are commonly due to omission of letters ; and diaeresis is neglected e. The Muses were the daughters of Zeus and Mnemosyne ; cf.

A comparison with L shows that the mark of short quantity above pvp is erroneous. The reading of Zenodotus is unfortunately beyond recovery ; it ends with a sloping dash which might mark an abbreviation or belong to an hastily written p.

For the language of L 59 cf. I Swop ykvicvp. The analogy of this and other passages is in favour of the correction Aof la. In the following lines the institution of this festival is referred to the occasion of a famine, — a fact explained in the mutilated scholium but apparently not otherwise recorded.

The local cults of Apollo were frequently brought into connexion with deliverance from such visitations, e. For bavauv k. For the shortened first syllable in Tpwia cf.

Athene; cf. The occurrence of irais as a disyllable here is of interest in connexion with the corrupt passage in And straightway he put off the capture of Ilium, quelling by a bold deed of blood the doughty son of dark-tressed Thetis of the sea, the trusty defence of the Achaeans.

What was his strife with white-armed Hera, as he matched against her his invincible power, what with Polias!

In return for their great pains they would have razed the city of Dardanus, had not Apollo been on guard.

But Zeus, the ruler of the gods, seated on the golden clouds and peaks of Olympus, dared not relax the decrees of fate : for high-coifed Helen's sake must the flaming fire's ray blot out wide Pergamon.

And when they had placed in the sore-lamented tomb the mighty corse of the son of Peleus, went messengers over the sea-waves and came again bringing from Scyros Neoptolemus, great in strength, who sacked the city of Ilion.

Yet saw he not thereafter his kind mother, nor roused he forth in the fields of his fathers the horses of the Myrmidons, a brass-accoutred host.

He reached the Molossian land hard by Tomarus ; but he escaped not the winds nor the far-darter with the broad quiver. For the god swore that he who killed aged Priam when he had sprung upon the altar in the court should come to no comfortable path in life nor reach old age ; and he slew him, as he strove with the attendants about their allotted rights, in his beloved enclosure by the broad pivot of the earth.

Oh hail, hail! Now for the paean in full measure 1 Oh hail, ye youths I ' Iliad A sqq. Homer, however, does not ascribe the wounding of Diomedes by Paris to any special intervention of Apollo.

The a of fopm is corrected. The genitive is more natural, but it would therefore be less liable to alteration. A dot has been placed above and below the d in Berths indicating that it should be omitted, elrun is the Pindaric form ; cf.

For fova. The Editors write apnptiaau in Pyth. A similar double accent is found in IX. The final o of oXvptroto was added at the beginning of 1.

The omission may have been simply an oversight ; but the papyrus is damaged at the end of L 92, and it is possible that the final o was at first placed there, and then deleted ; cf.

The latter explanation would suit the present passage. The accent on the o is not quite certain. A small difficulty occurs at the end of this line.

TLipyapot The s is practically certain. There was certainly one letter, probably either 1 or better v, immediately after -da, and some traces of ink beyond may belong to a second.

The marginal numeral is placed midway between this and the following line ; 1. At the end of 1.

Apollo , Nem. The first three lines of the scholium perhaps contained some reference to Aegina or the Aeginetans. It was the following passage concerning the death of Neoptolemus which gave offence in Aegina; cf.

The three lower lines, which are in a different hand, are so nearly effaced that the obliteration seems intentional. Fluctuation between the two forms is common in the MSS.

Mommsen and Bergk practically eliminate piv in spite of a consensus of tradition in several passages, uiv stands alone in II.

The papyrus proves the antiquity of the mis-spelling pvpiav which Boeckh, comparing the following words of the schol.

The letter after v is not indeed certain, but the remains suit p better than any other letter and are not consistent with B. The latter gives an excellent sense and may well be right, but it appears on die whole more probable that UvBatv was an attempt to emend pvpiav than that pvpiav was a corruption of an original UvOiav.

The size of the lacuna shows that a syllable is missing at the beginning of 1. The metre requires If fij in 1. Therefore will we not lay thee to rest without a feast of paeans, but thou shalt receive our surging songs, and declare whence came to thee the god who guides thy helm and thy care for the right of the stranger.

He who brings all things to pass in their diversity, the far-seeing son of Cronos, placed in thy hand thy happiness : by the waters of Asopus he once carried off from the threshold the deep-breasted maiden Aegina ; then the golden tresses of the mists hid the shaded ridges of your land, that upon the immortal couch.

The abrupt transition to Aegina, which is addressed in the following passage, is in the Pindaric manner. The point of connexion is to be found in the Aeacid ancestry of Neoptolemus, Aegina being the mythical home of the line, as narrated below in the legend of the birth of its founder.

This pointed juxtaposition of Neoptolemus and Aegina helps to explain the soreness of the Aeginetans at what appeared to them an unfortunate description of the manner of.

Neoptolemus' death; cf. But they certainly had no cause to complain of the tone of For Ampul cf. Nem, iii. Ai6s 'EWaviov : cf.

Aristophanes, Eg. On the latter cf. In dptrdv two short syllables appear in place of a long one 1. X6W, 1. Bury notes that this resolution supports the traditional reading in Nem.

The indicative is no doubt correct. Asopus was the father of Aegina ; cf. Atyivav is vaaov Oivoniav ivtyKwv Koiparo, A need. The mark of short quantity rather suggests notrai as a variant on irvivai, but a final t was certainly not written.

There is a short blank space between the final v and the very slight vestige of the following letter, which was perhaps the initial of the name of the critic who supported the reading.

According to Ahrens, De dial. The Zenodotean reading recorded in the margin is obscure. The letters are for the most part clear.

On the general characteristics of this group of fragments cf. Whether any of them belong to Paean VII, or, if so, which, is doubtful.

There are some resemblances in rhythm, but no correspondence can be established. Zvpiatfi the first letter seems to be o- rather than o, or Oovpiais would be an easier epithet.

The doubtful v may be r. Plato, Phaedr. The supposed r is represented only by the top of the crossbar, which might belong equally well to e. For blind are the minds of men, whoever without the maids To me they have handed on this immortal work.

For cwmrXf. PytL v. The paragraphus marks the commencement of a new metrical section. If Fr. The appearance of this fragment suggests that it is closely connected with Fr.

A suitable collocation could be produced by making Fr. The beginning of 1. The first column of this fragment may follow immediately on Fr. Such a position would suit the recto, which on the other hand indicates that Fr.

SAtou: cf. Kaibel, Epigr. The occurrence of BAtou here may be a mere coincidence, but perhaps affords a slight additional argument for making Fr.

The scholium indicates a reference to Leto; cf. Either faup yov or fauplyy, as shown by the accent.

Whether Fr. The fragment is unlikely, owing to its difference in colour, to belong to Fr. Only a short horizontal stroke, which we take for an elongated base of a d, is visible before the lacuna ; it is too near to the line above to be a paragraphus.

The speaker is Asteria, as the next lines show. Call i mac h US, Del. Something corresponding to yafiov has to be supplied in 1. Koiov Ovydrqp : i.

Asteria, not Leto. For the variant m cf. In the incomplete state of the text it is difficult to decide between the claims of ip and of. The a is probably by the original scribe ; whether the overwritten v in this line and v in the next are also due to him is much more doubtful.

De Mundo 5. It does not seem possible to read the first letter of the scholium as c, and if ]aoaye is right, the stem must be vavay-, which would pre- sumably be another v.

For the name 'Oprvyta cf. L ? Zeus desired the island as the place for the birth of Apollo. A more natural interpretation would be to connect rat with ytvop, but this is inadmissible since rat must refer to Asteria, who was not the mother of Apollo.

For 6 Kpartarot of Zeus cf. The present context, as suggested by Blass, would be appropriate to Fr. Moreover, the metre in Fr. The difference of hand creates no real difficulty, for if C and D belong to the same MS.

The appearance of the papyrus, however, is very dissimilar in the two fragments ; and the metrical argument is not strong, for the line of fracture on the left side of Fr.

The position of this fragment in relation to Frs. The recto is practically illegible. Neither the circumflex accent nor the rough breathing is clear, Urjj subj.

This fragment and Fr. The mark of length above the a is not quite certain. This fragment cannot be placed at VI. These two fragments are of the same light colour, but do not join.

The letter after rj must be either a or d. The insertion above the line is in lighter ink and somewhat blurred.

The insertion which is not certainly by the first hand is at the distance of an ordinary verse from 1. The appearance of these two small fragments suggests a connexion with Col.

The strip down Col. The recto of Fr. Of these seventeen fragments of scholia the recto of five, namely Frs.

This fragment is composed of two pieces, the combination of which, though probable, is not quite free from doubt.

The hand of the text changes at this point ; cf. This scholium not improbably refers, like A paraphrase of PINDAR, PAEANS with grievous moan and made utterance with such purport of speech : — O infinite far-seeing son of Cronos, now wilt thou accomplish the calamity fated of old what time Hecabe declared to the sons of Dardanus the vision which she once saw when she carried this man in her womb; she thought she bore a fiery hundred-handed Fury, who with cruel violence hurled down to the ground all Ilium.

And she said. For Skoaun aTwaxau cf. KoptfPq: cf. With what object the curved marks were placed beneath the syllables 01 and pat is not clear; cf.

Such signs are used e. In the former word next to the circumflex accent is a mark which we can only explain as a sign of short quantity indicating Kopixpai, though this is contradicted by the accent and Kopvfai would not construe.

The adjective iravantlpuv is found only in Orph. IO v6pav uyvyiov navairtlpopos tMfiov dpxrjt. Pinaar, Pyth. On this well-known story of Hecuba's dream cf.

Al Anth. Either 1 or 17 might be read in place of a, but not o. That Fr. On grounds analogous to 1 and 2 Fr. The vestiges at the end of this line may belong to a scholium.

KkiBtis occurs also in The reading is practically certain, and r cannot be substituted for d, though it should perhaps be restored in accordance with the usual Pindaric declension.

This line was probably, but not certainly, the first of a column. The frag- ment cannot be combined with Fr. There is a remarkable coincidence between the remains of this line and Fr.

But the hypothesis that the two verses are in strophic correspondence is open to the objection that Fr. On the grounds for and against bringing this fragment into connexion with Fr.

This fragment may contain the beginnings of lines, Fr, The rough breathing is not clear. These two fragments are very similar in appearance, and probably go close together.

The datpyrtfopia was specially associated with the Ismenion at Thebes. The first line may be part of a scholium. The vestiges below the third line seem to represent lectional signs rather than letters.

The supposed high stop may be the end of an acute accent. The writing in this fragment is slightly more cursive than usual in the notes by the first hand.

For the Thkbans. De Demosth. On the class of composition to which the ode belongs cf. An additional short syllable is required before tBrjttas to produce a correspondence with 1.

Perhaps wv, which might easily have dropped out after jcXfimJirow, or rv y should be inserted. L 19 below and OL li. Biptp Zpyvp rcXor.

IcrxvP t arbpaat v BlaSS, now confirmed by Though the syllable may be long or short short in Other similar correspondences in this poem are Our identification of Fr.

For the alternative accents on nayrrop cf. The word is commonly made Oxytone; cf. The scholium below this line confirms tj p6rtor Mpos, but does not seem to have been illuminating.

It appears probable that a single column is the extent of the loss between This colurnn would have contained fifteen or sixteen lines, giving an epode of the very suitable number either of ten verses, which is also the length of the strophe, or of eleven, for which there is an exact parallel in IV.

I supplicate thee, Far-darter, consecrating to the Muses' arts this shrine. To his care didst thou, father with unshorn locks, commit the host of Cadmus and the city of Zeathus, on account of his wise fortitude.

For the sea-dwelling wielder of the trident honoured him above other mortals, and he hastened to? The use of iKpdpfyv is somewhat strange ; the idea appears to be the need of divine help if the poet is to attain perfection in his art.

According to the explanation of the scholiast, the 'couch of Melia' means the Theban Ismenion, or temple of Apollo Ismenius.

Melia, the daughter of Oceanus, was the mother of the seer Tenerus by Apollo, and like her son was revered at Thebes, where there was a spring which bore her name, close to the Ismenion; cf.

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